Italy's intelligence oversight committee (COPASIR) report on Graphite spyware raises more questions than it answers
The long-awaited report by the Italian Parliamentary Committee for the Security
of the Republic (COPASIR) on the use of Graphite spyware is now public. Yet
rather than clarifying events, the document raises further concerns about
government accountability, the cost of surveillance, and the extent of state
overreach. Below we highlight some of the most troubling findings. The full
report is available on the website of the Italian Parliament (in Italian).
COPASIR Graphite report
TARGETING A HUMANITARIAN NGO FOR FIVE YEARS
The report confirms that Luca Casarini, a prominent figure in the humanitarian
NGO Mediterranea Saving Humans, was intermittently placed under surveillance for
at least five years. Initially, traditional methods were used; under the current
government, however, the highly invasive Graphite spyware was deployed.
Mediterranea is no secretive organization: its search and rescue missions in the
Mediterranean are conducted under the watch of international observers and
journalists.
This raises serious questions about what could justify such a prolonged and
intrusive operation targeting an organization whose goals and methods are
transparent and lawful. The mismatch between the invasive tools employed, the
years-long duration of the operation, and the meager investigative results is
alarming — and difficult to justify.
AN INCONSISTENT GOVERNMENT NARRATIVE
The Italian government has made conflicting and shifting statements regarding
the spyware scandal. At first, it downplayed the existence of any victims; then,
it acknowledged that contracts with the Israeli spyware vendor Paragon were
still in effect. Later, it claimed the contracts had been suspended. According
to Haaretz, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni even contacted Netanyahu directly to
seek clarification.
The COPASIR report, however, offers a different account: it states that the
contract was unilaterally terminated by the Italian intelligence agencies,
contradicting the government’s earlier version of events.
IS COPASIR TRUSTING GRAPHICAL INTERFACES?
The report devotes considerable attention to the “traceability” of actions
carried out using Graphite spyware:
> Another legal issue related to the use of modern interception technologies, as
> emerged during hearings, is that data are saved in non-deletable databases by
> the public agencies using the system, unless the service provider is involved
> in the deletion process (p. 23, translation from Italian)
> According to the information gathered by the Committee during its inquiry,
> every use of the Graphite spyware is logged: the operator must authenticate
> with a username and password, and each operation is recorded in a database or
> “acquisition log” and in an audit register. The database is located on the
> client’s premises, collects information about the target, and is not
> accessible to the company. The audit log, which is also hosted on servers
> located at the client, records all operations and system accesses, including
> technical access for maintenance or updates by the company. Furthermore, data
> in the database can be deleted by the client, but audit logs cannot be altered
> by the client. During site visits to the agencies on May 7, 2025, the
> Committee specifically requested and obtained assurances that the contents of
> the operations would not be accessible to Paragon Solutions. (p. 13,
> translation from Italian)
But such assurances are fragile. The absence of a graphical interface to modify
audit logs does not guarantee their immutability. If the audit system is under
the client’s control, anyone with sufficient access could tamper with
it—especially given that several months passed between the initial media
exposure (January 31) and the start of any formal investigation. Only an
independent forensic analysis could credibly verify the integrity of these logs.
One striking example is the case of journalist Giovanni Cancellato, officially
deemed not to have been targeted, according to COPASIR. The explanation offered
is that his device appeared in the detection results due to “false positives.”
Yet his phone was not the only one affected as multiple members of his newsroom
also showed signs of compromise.
Is it reasonable to expect private citizens or NGOs to provide definitive
“proof” in cases where the very nature of spyware is to remain invisible, leave
no trace, and render verification nearly impossible? This dynamic shifts the
burden of proof to the victim, while conveniently sparing those with full
operational control and privileged access from further scrutiny.
The naïveté of such claims would be ironic, if not outright offensive, given the
double standards they reveal. Authorities would never settle for a graphical
confirmation in lieu of a forensic audit if it were a citizen or activist under
investigation. Yet here, the possibility of tampering isn’t even considered.
Victims and overburdened NGOs (often assisting hundreds of cases worldwide) are
expected to conduct even deeper forensic investigations, despite the abundance
of circumstantial and corroborating evidence: multiple infected journalists, a
Meta notification, and partial independent confirmation by Citizen Lab.
AN EXTORTION-BASED BUSINESS MODEL
One passage from the report is particularly alarming:
> Phone numbers with an Italian prefix are not among those contractually
> excluded from being subjected to surveillance through Graphite spyware. (p.
> 18, translation from Italian)
In plain terms: to prevent Italian citizens from being spied on by Paragon’s
foreign clients, the Italian state must pay. The only way to exempt a country
code from the list of potential surveillance targets is to negotiate and pay for
a contractual exclusion.
This reveals a business model based on extortion: if a government doesn’t pay,
its citizens remain vulnerable to being targeted by foreign governments using
Paragon’s tools.
UPDATE – JUNE 10
In the meantime, Paragon has publicly responded to the COPASIR investigation,
claiming it had offered technical cooperation to Italian authorities to verify
whether its spyware had been used against Francesco Cancellato, and that it
terminated its contract with Italy after the authorities declined to proceed.
These statements should be treated with caution, as Paragon is a directly
involved party with a clear interest in protecting its commercial image.
However, on one point we agree: the investigation into the Fanpage journalists
remains inadequate. And once again, we see conflicting versions from Paragon and
the Italian government, raising more questions than they answer.
CONCLUSION
Once again, advanced surveillance tools are being used against activists and
journalists, not just in the exceptional cases that are often cited to justify
their deployment. As previous cases in Poland, Spain, Greece, and elsewhere have
shown, often in democratic countries spyware is used to target dissenting or
inconvenient voices—with enormous financial costs, dubious investigative
outcomes, and serious risks to global cybersecurity.
The Italian government must take responsibility, provide full transparency on
the actual use of Graphite, and immediately end all contracts with companies
like Paragon. The European Union should act—as urged by Citizen Lab—to restrict
the use of such technologies, ban their production within Europe, and sanction
the companies involved.